By Anna Bondaruk, Gréte Dalmi, Alexander Grosu
The contributions during this quantity are dedicated to a number of features of the interior and exterior syntax of DPs in a wide selection of languages belonging to the Slavic, Turkic, Finno-Ugric, Semitic and Germanic language households. particularly, the papers deal with questions relating to the interior and exterior cartography of assorted kinds of simplex and intricate DPs: the location of DPs inside higher constructions, contract in phi-features and/or case among DPs and their predicates, in addition to among sub-elements of DPs, and/or the project of case to DPs in particular configurations. the 1st 4 chapters of the ebook concentration totally on the exterior syntax of DPs, and the remainder chapters care for their inner syntax.
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Extra resources for Advances in the Syntax of DPs: Structure, agreement, and case
3–17. Oxford: OUP. Rizzi, Luigi. 2006. On the form of chains. Criterial positions and chain effects. In Wh- movement: Moving on, Lisa Cheng & Norbert Corver (eds), 97–134. Cambridge MA: The MIT Press. Rizzi, Luigi. 2013. Topic, focus and the cartography of clauses. In The Bloomsbury Companion to Syntax, Silvia Luraghi & Claudia Parodi (eds), 36–450. London: Bloomsbury. Roberts, Ian & Holmberg, Anders. 2010. Introduction: Parameters in minimalist theory. In Null Subjects and Parameters in a Minimalist Perspective, Theresa Biberauer, Anders Holmberg, Ian Roberts & Michelle Sheehan (eds), 1–58.
Judgments:6 nom — 60%; dat — 93% . Witkoś (2010) ran a questionnaire with comparable Polish examples. He reports that, although Polish is generally similar to Russian, agreement is never possible with object control. . Compare (14b) with (i), without čtoby, where Landau confirms that agreement is obligatory: (i) Ivan vstal pogovorit’ sam/*samomu s tolpoj. inf it sam/samomu zavtra. inf den’gi sam/samomu na sledujuščij god. ’ Mean judgments for c. :7 nom — 73%; dat — 45% e. Ivan sdelal usilie porabotat’ odin/odnomu nad temoj.
One, as pointed out by an anonymous reviewer, concerns the dubious virtue of eliminating PRO in certain cases but not in others. Does restricting rather than eliminating PRO buy us anything? A second major issue, which Babby’s work shares with all null Case systems, is what it means for PRO to be dative and why it cannot be overt. In particular, how is PROdat different from an overt dative subject? A third set of problems is more specific to the details of the analysis in his book, because he adopts various functional projections at various points in the presentation and it is unclear how these relate to each other or to more familiar ones.
Advances in the Syntax of DPs: Structure, agreement, and case by Anna Bondaruk, Gréte Dalmi, Alexander Grosu